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Download Citation on ResearchGate | On Jan 1, , Loic Wacquant and others published From slavery to mass incarceration: Rethinking the “race question”. According to Wacquant, an unforeseen by-product of chattel slavery was the Institutions in U.S. History: “From Slavery to Mass Incarceration”. Of the supplementary readings provided, I found “From Slavery to Mass Incarceration” by Loïc Wacquant the most intriguing. This particular.

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Harvard University Press,pp. Biracial partition was not a central causative factor in its establishment for the simple reason that it had yet to emerge: Note next the structural and functional homologies with the prison conceptualized as a judicial ghetto: Oxford University Press,p.

The hard work for civil rights during the 60s, including the right to vote, finally paid off. The era of the ghetto as paramount mechanism of ethnoracial domination had opened with the urban riots of —19 in East St.

What makes the racial intercession of the carceral amss different today is that, unlike slavery, Jim Crow and the ghetto of mid-century, it does not carry out slagery positive economic mission of recruitment and disciplining of the workforce: Yet there is no gainsaying that in comparative terms U.

Oxford University Press, The ideals of liberty and equality of rights it proclaimed fueled for the first time the questioning of slavery on moral, religious, and economic grounds. Feedback Privacy Policy Feedback. Moreover, they were effectively treated as quasi-slaves, being submitted to barbaric physical punishment often resulting in maiming and premature death, forbidden to marry without permission, and bought and sold as well as pawned and inherited almost as easily as livestock during their term.

Inthe Slavwry. So when, after the s, it became more advantageous for plantation owners to purchase slaves shipped in from West Africa or the Barbados than to obtain European tenants, bond-servants, and incarceratikn, the extinction of indentured labor and the reign of chattel slavery were jointly sealed. At each new stage, moreover, the apparatus of ethnoracial domination would become less total and less capable of uniformly encompassing all segments and all dimensions of the social life of the pariah group.


Moreover they were much less likely to disrupt plantation output by resisting or escaping as their physical appearance made them conspicuous and their legal status unambiguous—whereas white servants could claim to be free persons and easily found alternative employment in the labor-starved colony.

Doubleday Anchor, [] reprintp. Having secured voting and civil rights, blacks were at long last full citizens who would no longer brook being shunted off into the separate and inferior world of the ghetto.

My presentations Profile Feedback Log out. CAAS Publications, []pp. As is well known, under U. Weber, Lives of their Own: If you wish to download it, please recommend it to your friends in any social system. Blacks and Equality, New York: Allocation across categories was based not on blood ties but on physical appearance and social acceptability, with curliness of hair, skin color, and linguistic ability the deciding factors.

University of Illinois Press,chapter 4, esp.

Perspectives across Time and Placeed. Why did the ghetto no longer succeed in its containment purpose? Miller, Search and Destroy: Kenneth Stampp, The Peculiar Institution: Third, ghettos functioned to confine blacks to a specific territorial space. It is not only the pre-eminent institution for signifying and enforcing blackness, much as incarceraation was during the first three centuries of US history.

Loic Wacquant: From Slavery to Mass Incarceration. New Left Review 13, January-February

Yet they remained locked in a precarious position of structural economic marginality and consigned to a secluded and dependent microcosm, complete with its own internal division of labour, social stratification, and agencies of collective voice and symbolic representation: Before World War I, their peregrinations took them throughout the South as well as to the frontier states of the West in a quest for land as fount of material security.

On an another line of thought, I am curious about the way this specific American history helped shaping the Gay rights movement: University of California Press,p. The New Deal in particular helped this parallel city coalesce by i further stimulating mass exodus from the South via agricultural programs that excluded black farmers and laborers: Its introduction in the Chesapeake, Middle Atlantic and Low Country regions of the United States in the 17th century served to recruit and regulate the unfree workforce forcibly imported from Africa and the West Indies to cater to their tobacco, rice and mixed-farming economy.


Continued caste hostility from without and renewed ethnic affinity from within converged to create the ghetto as the third vehicle to extract black labour while keeping black bodies at a safe distance, to the material and symbolic benefit of white society.

Indeed, in the case of black Americans, both the symbolic causes and the symbolic functions o f the expansion of the penal system turn out to be paramount, namely, to draw a demarcation of dishonor that overlays racial rejection with legal and moral censure, thereby legitimating the continued social seclusion of a group regarded as vile and menacing. And all have consistently racialized the arbitrary boundary setting African-Americans apart from all others in the United States by actively denying its cultural origin in history, ascribing it instead to the fictitious necessity of biology.

Enforced ethnoracial separation in the metropolis made it both necessary and possible for African Americans to evolve an intricate web of communal organizations that gradually duplicated—though at an inferior and incomplete level—the main institutions of the broader white society from which they were debarred.

The Jim Crow system of legalized discrimination and segregation. Finally, both prison and ghetto are authority structures saddled with inherently dubious or problematic legitimacy whose maintenance is ensured by intermittent recourse to external force.

The flip side of this argument is that, to the degree that its institutional autonomy and completeness are abridged, the shielding role of the ghetto for the subordinate group is diminished.

They then turned against the welfare state and those social programmes upon which the wcaquant advancement of blacks was most dependent.